Tuesday 27 September 2016

From Merthyr to Ebbw Vale to Cardiff building momentum during September for the Welsh Socialist Republican Congress on the 29/30th October 2016

The Welsh Socialist Republican Campaign Launched in August 2016  to reach the people of Wales with the message about the forthcoming Welsh Socialist Republican Congress is nearing its target of 40 towns in Wales by October 2016


Ebbw Vale


CONTACT: info@greatunrest.org

Wednesday 21 September 2016

RWE – Raping Welsh Environment : RWE now have their sights set upon the River Conwy in Snowdonia by David Shinn

RWE – Raping Welsh Environment The German energy company, RWE, not satisfied with destroying our coastlines with offshore windfarms like Gwynt y Môr and Rhyl Flats in North Wales, and our hills and valleys with onshore windfarms like Taff Ely in the Rhondda and the proposed Mynydd y Gwair project in South Wales.

RWE now have their sights set upon the River Conwy in Snowdonia, North Wales, with plans to dam and divert up to 80% of the flow above Conwy Falls for a “small scale” hydro-electric power plant, which will cause untold devastation to one of Wales’ few remaining wild landscapes, the “Fairy Glen” in Betws y Coed.

A previous application had been defeated, but it seems that
RWE do not like to take “no” for an answer, and have re-submitted an application for a “hydro scheme generating up to 5MW of electricity comprising construction of intake weir, buried and tunnelled pipeline, buried powerhouse, switchgear room and transformer building, temporary construction compounds, biodiversity and recreational enhancement proposals, and alterations to vehicular accesses” at a cost of £13million.

There are currently in the region of 20 hydro-electric plants in and around Snowdonia, with a combined capacity of 82MW, which is far in excess of local need, so much so that the area exports a lot of the electricity it produces. So, who stands to benefit from these proposals? Certainly not the people of Snowdonia, or Wales.

It seems this project, once again, exists solely for the profit of foreign investors and will have no benefit to the local people.

Time is running out to try and defeat these proposals as all objections have to be received in writing by Friday 23rd September, which does not give us much time to make our voices heard, but we will fight this to the very end.

For more information on how to object, please follow this link and use the template to voice your objection to the proposals: https://savetheconwy.com/2016/08/15/new-planning-application/

It is time the people of Wales stood up to those who would rape and pillage our land for the profit of greedy corporations and see our nation as a gold mine for their own personal gain.

Join the fight for a free and just Wales in the 21st century - join the Great Unrest and support the Welsh Socialist Republican Congress

Tuesday 20 September 2016

Mynydd Y Gwair - Wales never ending battle with German company RWE ( Ruining Welsh Environment)

We reported a Welsh Land Victory after 24 years in the article on Myndd Y Gwair here

However we were premature the German company RWE fought back (RWE stands for Ruining Welsh Environment) and with the aid of that extension of the British State in Wales the Welsh Assembly - against the democratic opposition of the local community RWE are now proceeding with installation of their 16 turbines despoiling our heritage in the land.

 Patriots Gethin and Sian have continued to resist RWE as Welsh people have in this area for hundreds if not a thousand years - these mountains hide the bodies of many Welsh Patriots who fought the Anglo Normans and the RWE turbines will turn into rust and dust before the long wave of Welsh History.

Setbacks we may have but we will never be defeated.

We need a new generation of fighters for our Land and it our hope that the  Welsh Socialist Republican Congress will take up the fallen banner of Welsh Land and re ignite the struggle for Welsh Land and Liberty in the 21st Century.

We have also heard that RWE has a new project to environmentally damage the River Conway in North Wales - we will report on this soon.

Build an All Wales Organisation to fight for Wales - The Welsh Socialist Republican Congress

See Also :

Sunday 18 September 2016

Public Banking for Wales: Escaping the Extractive Model – by Lewis Lewis

Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr is publishing this article by  Lewis Lewis on Public Banking for Wales as part of our preparation for the Welsh Socialist Republican Congress on the 29th/30th October and its pre-Congress Discussion.

Ellen Brown of the Institute of Public Banking  at a meeting in Cardiff early in 2016 pointed out the unhelpful nature of EU to public banking and the opportunity that leaving it would present to Wales.

We hope this contribution stimulates the debate in Wales to take advantage of Brexit opportunities in the banking field. 


The recently formed Community Bank in Hampshire has brought public banking to the UK and we are of the view the Public Banking  question should  be at the top of the political agenda in Wales in the very near future. 

Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr strongly support a Public Bank for Wales and its role in the revival of the Welsh Economy.

Deregulation and the Growth of the Financial Sector: From Intermediation to Parasitic Extraction

The economic history of the past 30 years has been, by and large, that of an uncontrolled expansion of the financial sector at the direct expense of the so called ‘real’ economy’ of manufacturing and production, brought about by the hegemony free-market doctrines, based principally on fundamentally ideological beliefs in deregulation and privatisation, which have become known as neo-Liberal or neo-Classical economics.

The extent to which growth in the  financial sector has outstripped growth elsewhere in the UK economy can be clearly seen in a speech given by Andrew Haldane the Executive Director for Financial Stability at the Bank of England:

In 2007, financial intermediation accounted for more than 8% of total GVA, compared with 5% in 1970. The gross operating surpluses of financial intermediaries show an even more dramatic trend. Between 1948 and 1978, intermediation accounted on average for around 1.5% of whole economy profits. By 2008, that ratio had risen tenfold to about 15%. (Haldane: 2010, p.4)
The truth is that ‘intermediation’ should be the absolute mot juste to describe the financial system: banks should be middlemen between investment capital, often in the form of deposits, and the productive economy.

As former US bank regulator William K. Black put it ‘Middlemen serve a very useful purpose, but should not be very big and should not make a lot of money’, going on to point out that, ‘In the world we live in, finance has become the dog instead of the tail […]

They have become a parasite’.

The private banks have established themselves in this position through the control of the primary mechanism by which money is created within our system: the issuing of credit.

In this paper I will aim to briefly outline how this credit function could be redirected from the speculation and bubble creation, which constitute the dominant directions of credit issuance under private banking, towards more stable and sustainable areas which serve the public interest instead of those of shareholders and bank CEOs.

This is not a theoretical method, but rather one which throughout the post-WW II period saw the German Landesbanken facilitate the growth of the mittelstand sector of Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (SMEs), as well as in the present day constituting the means by which the stateowned Bank of North Dakota (BND) contributes significantly to North Dakota being the only US State to run a budget surplus throughout the post-2008 crisis.
In Offa’s Gap: Roots and Remedies of the Welsh Growth Collapse Dr Eurfyl ap Gwilym and Adam Price provide an extremely well-evidenced analysis of the effect of the economic policies of the past three decades on Wales, but, in common with the majority of mainstream economists, their analysis makes little attempt to analyse the role of banking and credit issuance in our current situation.

In particular Offa’s Gap contains no discussion of the creation of money as debt by the private banking institutions, which constitutes one the core causes of our current economic malaise as well as providing a potential direction for future economic development through state control of the credit issuing function. 

The conclusion reached in Offa’s Gap is that:

Wales need a dedicated arms-length business-friendly agency working to attract export-oriented investment and support and encourage indigenous based exporters.
(Gwilym & Price: 2012, p.26)

This would doubtless be a very useful resource, but it would be no substitute for affordable and available credit. The paper also correctly focuses on the need for infrastructural investment, particularly in transport, in securing a successful economy, but fails to sufficiently criticise the role of privatisation in creating the current systemic problems of underinvestment caused by excessive profit-seeking on the part of rentier investors.

The analysis in Offa’s Gap seems to base itself entirely on the attracting of exogenous investment, as did the WDA, and consequently ignores the real basic need of indigenous business, particularly SMEs, for affordable credit in order to develop and expand. 

In order for a productive economy to exist there must be adequate streams of affordable credit and it is the absence of such constructive investment which, I would submit, has been a vital contributing factor to the decline of the Welsh economy, and indeed that of the UK, in the past 30 years.

Before continuing with this analysis it is worth briefly examining the current banking system and the effect of its operations on the real economy, in Wales as elsewhere. 

Banking Now: The Extractive Model of Credit Creation

‘What is money and where does it come from?’ are, remarkably, questions rarely asked in mainstream economics and even less so by members of the public; yet the answers to these two questions hold one of the keys to understanding the (mal)functioning of our economic system and for devising a new, more democratic direction.

As the great American economist G.K. Galbraith observed in his fascinating study of the history of banking Money: Whence It Came, Where It Went, ‘The study of money, above all other fields in economics, is the one in which complexity is used to disguise truth or to evade truth, not to reveal it’ (Galbraith: 1975, p.1), stating later in the same text that, ‘

The process by which banks create money is so simple that the mind is repelled’ (Galbraith: 1975, p.18). So what is money?

The instinctive answer to this question for most people is that money is the physical notes and coins produced by the government; they may even go on to say that this money is produced at the Royal Mint at Llantrisant, ironically making this physical money one of an increasingly diminishing range of Welsh exports.

Yet physical money of this sort, in the form of notes and coins, only accounts for approximately 3% of money in circulation.

This version of money is indeed the product of government, as under the Bank Charter Act 1844 (7 & 8 Vict. c. 32) the power to create banknotes (and coins) became the exclusive preserve of the Bank of England, a power exercised in agreement with Westminster.

Since the so-called ‘Nixon shock’ of 1971 ended the existing Bretton Woods system of international financial exchange by unilaterally cancelling the direct convertibility of the United States dollar to gold the banknotes of the Bank of England/UK government have been essentially what is known as a ‘fiat’ or ‘soft’ currency; that is, a monetary unit which is not backed by any ‘hard’ commodity such as gold and, consequently, is limited in quantity only by the inflationary consequences of overproduction.

So what accounts for the other 97% of money in circulation? To answer this question it is necessary to understand the nature of credit issuance through fractional reserve banking, which is neatly encapsulated by the Statement of Martin Wolf that, ‘

The essence of the contemporary monetary system is the creation of money, out of nothing, by private banks’ often foolish lending’ (Wolf: 2010)[i]. This process is profoundly counter-intuitive to most members of the public who would assume that banks lend the deposits they receive, but this is not the case at all: the money issued through the process of creating a loan is created out of nothing, subject only to the rules for capital reserves contained in the Basel Accords.

Two publications produced by the Bank of England make the current mechanism of money creation clear:

By far the largest role in creating broad money is played by the banking sector [...] When banks make loans they create additional deposits for those that have borrowed the money.
(Bank of England: 2007, p.377)

The second publication, a transcript of speech in 2007 by Paul Tucker the Executive Director (Markets) for the Bank of England and a Member of the Monetary Policy Committee also states that:
Subject only but crucially to confidence in their soundness, banks extend credit by simply increasing the borrowing customer’s current account […] That is, banks extend credit by creating money.

The current system is a product of the fact that the Bank Charter Act 1844 prohibited banks from printing banknotes, but did not prohibit the issuing of money by ledger entry through the making of loans: with the advent of electronic systems in the past thirty years this facility to ‘print money’ by making entries into borrowers accounts with the stroke of a keypad has expanded significantly.

Currently, then, there is a system in place whereby the power of money creation is largely in the hands of private corporations who are able to make sizeable profits through the levying of interest for their performance of this function.

This system also leaves the private banks with the decision as to which sectors of the economy should be afforded lines of credit, and in the past thirty years this has moved increasingly away from the productive ‘real economy’ and towards speculation and bubble creation: with the results we now experience. Part of the deposit base of private banks is the income of local and national government and this leads to a situation wherein private corporations use public money as a deposit base for speculation and lending for speculation (See Fig.1).

The Idea of a State Bank: Re-investment of Interest from Productive Credit Provision

The best current example of a functioning state bank is that of the Bank of North Dakota (BND) in the United States. The way in which the bank functions is best described in its own words:

The deposit base of BND is unique. Its primary deposit base is the State of North Dakota. All state funds and funds of state institutions are deposited with Bank of North Dakota, as required by law. Other deposits are accepted from any source, private citizens to the U.S. government.

This framework provides the state of North Dakota with what is most needed for a local economy to thrive: affordable (and available) credit for SMEs and resources for the improvement of infrastructure.

Under the state banking model the benefit derived from the interest accrued in the credit-issuing process is returned to the state and can be re-invested or spent in accordance with the public interest, instead of being paid to shareholders in dividends or in absurd bonuses to bankers who a merely carrying out a mechanical function, incompetently in many cases in the last thirty years (See Fig.2).

In the case of North Dakota this has resulted in the state being the only US state to run a budget surplus throughout the financial crisis post-2007 and this must make their model at least worth considering.
The Report of the Silk Commission 2012

In Part 1 of its remit The Silk Commission was asked to consider the National Assembly for Wales’s current financial powers in relation to taxation and borrowing and its report was produced in November 2012. The commission concluded that the Welsh Assembly government should be granted borrowing powers, basing this conclusion partly on ‘international evidence’ drawn from a single World Bank publication from 1999: making this ‘evidence’ neither ideologically neutral, being the product of an organisation which is the éminence grise of global neo-liberalism, nor current, with many of its conclusions being weighed and found wanting by the latest financial crisis.

The findings of the commission contains no consideration whatsoever of the role of banks in money creation through credit issuance, and the attendant problems of misallocation of investment, and no investigation of the success of public banking in the international context, for instance in the BRIC economies, or of the potential role of public banking in Wales.

For this reason I feel that it is important that these issues be brought into the debate on the Welsh economy, as to ignore it would be to exclude a potentially democratising and sustainable banking system from the national conversation and would merely make any granting of borrowing powers to the Welsh Assembly Government nothing more than a new stream of income for the private banking system.

If all that ‘responsibility’ means in the fiscal context is for Wales as a political unit to submit itself to the ‘discipline’ of the bond markets, then this is indeed a very sorry direction in which the politicians of the Welsh Assembly are taking both their current constituents, and those yet to be born.

There is a widely perceived need for change to the economic system today and especially for reform of the way in which banking operates, with the majority of the population feeling, rightly, that there is ‘something wrong’ with the way in which the economy, and particularly banking, currently functions.

I believe that public banking can provide one of the possible directions of change which we so need in Wales and beyond and for this reason I would urge interested persons across all parties to look further into this topic.


Ahmad, J (1999) ‘Decentralising borrowing powers’ World Bank
Berry, S., Harrison, R., Thomas, R., de Weymarn, I. (2007) ‘Interpreting movements in Broad Money’, Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin 2007 Q3, p. 377. Available at http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/ quarterlybulletin/qb070302.pdf
The Bank of North Dakota: http:/matwigley.co.uk/banknd.nd.gov/about_BND/index.html
Brown, Ellen, Web of Debt (Baton Rouge: Third Millenium Press, 2008)
Commission on Devolution in Wales (Silk Commission) (2012) ‘Empowerment and Responsibility: Financial Powers to Strengthen Wales’ (full report at: http://commissionondevolutioninwales.independent.gov.uk/)
Tucker, P. (2008). ‘Money and Credit: Banking and the macro-economy’, speech given at the monetary policy and markets conference, 13 December 2007, Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin 2008, Q1, pp. 96–106. Available at: http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/speeches/2007/speech331.pdf
Wolf, Martin, ‘The Fed is right to turn on the tap’, The Financial Times, 9/3/2010
Further Information can be found at:

Thursday 15 September 2016

Remembering the 16th September 1400 and the Welsh National Uprising led by Owain Glyndwr

You may see a notice on the Owain Glyndwr video from BBC Worldwide Blocking it - in that case watch the video of Heather Jones singing about Glyndwr.

Welsh people should remember the contempt that Lord Reith the founder of the BBC had for Wales and the Welsh.

While the BBC today like the cultural crachach hate those who stand for political and social Independence of Wales like Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr.

We will also continue to expose those fake Welsh organisations set up by the Crachach and the British State in run up to the 50th Anniversary of the Anti Investiture Protests.

These people will not divert us from our Liberation it is  our patriotic duty to expose them.

Cefn Caer - Replica's of the Sword of the Nation and, Owain Glyndwr's Crown, also copy of Pennal Letter


North East Wales and North West Wales - sees September promotion of the October Welsh Socialist Republican Congress

North Wales takes the lead in Welsh Socialist Republican Congress Promotion in September






Forward to October 1st pre -Welsh Socialist Republican Congress Meeting in Wrexham

Wednesday 14 September 2016

Monday 12 September 2016

Galler: Kürt halkinin Mücadelesinin Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr'in Dayanışma Bildirisi : Statement of Welsh Kurdish Solidarity by Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr in Turkish Language

Galler Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr,-Galler Cumhuriyet Hareketi-nin Kürt Halkı’nın Mücadelesi ile Dayanışma Amaçlı İngiliz Hükümeti ve Avrupa Birliği’ne Çağrısıdır !

Türkiye’nin Güneydoğusu olarak tabir edilen Kuzey Kürdistan ve yine Güney Kürdistan Türk savaş uçakları tarafından bombalanmaktadır.Bizler Kürt halkı’na karşı gerçekleşen bu vahşi saldırıların derhal durdurulması için İngiliz Hükümeti ve Avrupa Birliğini derhal göreve çağırıyoruz.

Yine Türk Devletinin ve ordusunun Rojava, yani Batı Kürdistan – (Kuzey Suriye) işgali ve Kuzey Suriye’de Kürt halkının üzerindeki saldırılarını şiddetle kınıyoruz. İngiliz Hükümeti ve Avrupa Birliği’ni buna karşı duruş sergilemeye ve engel olmaya çağırıyoruz.

Kürt Halkının Önderi Abdullah Öcalan 17 yıldır bir adada insanhaklarına aykırı izole koşullarında tutulmaktadır. Bizler, Öcalan’ın yaşam hakkı başta olmak üzere tüm insani haklarının yerine getirilmesi; ailesi ve avukatlarıyla görüştürülmesnini, özgürlüğünün tesis edilmesini talep ediyoruz.

Kürt Halkı ve Kürt Kadını, dünyada erkek egemenlikli ,kökten dinci,radikal- islamcı gerici,bağnaz,köhne bir düzenin temsilcisi IŞID Çetelerine karşı en ön saflarda kahramanca direniş gösteren tek halktır.

Yine Kürt Halkı, evrensel değerleri korumak adına birçok bedeller vermekte,bunun için can kayıplarrı – ölümler- yaşamaktadır. Evrensel değerleri korumanın bu yiğit savaşçıları ,şimdi de emperyalistlerin; Moskova ve Washington’un ihanetine maruz kalmaktadırlar.Washington ve Moskova şimdi erdoğan ile kolkola dans ediyorlar ve Kürtler’e ihanet ettiler.

Bizler ivedilikle, Kürt Halkı’nın temsilcisi olan PKK-Kürdistan İşçi Partisi üzerindeki yasağın kalkmasını ve yine Kürt halkının meşru ulusal özlemlerini yaşaması ve gerçekleşmesinin ifadesi olan , her ulusun meşru hakkı olan “Ulusların Kendi Kaderini Tain Etme Hakkının “ Kürt halkının bu hakkının .

İngiliz Hükümeti ve Avrupa Birliği tarafından tanınmasını talep ediyoruz
Bizler Alfonyddwch Mawr welsch –Galler Cumhuriyet Hareketi olarak, Galler ve Kürt Halkı arasındaki dostluğu selamlıyoruz ve yine İngiliz Hükümeti ve Avrupa Birliği’ne diyoruzki; Türk Devleti’nin Kürt HAlkı üzerindeki kanlı saldırılarının durması için derhal harekete geçmeliler.

Her ne olursa olsun Kürt halkı ve Galler Halkı arasındaki dostluk bağı süreklileşecek ve daha da geliştirilecektir.Yaşasın Kürt ve Galler Halkı’nın Dayanışması !


Saturday 10 September 2016

Solidarity with Kurdish Struggle : Welsh Language version

Mae'r Aflonyddwch Mawr yn galw ar Lywodraeth Prydain a'r Undeb Ewropiaidd i alw am Dwrci i atal ei ddefnydd o awyrennau ymladd a bomio pobl Cwrdaidd yn Ne Ddwyrain Twrci - Gogledd Cwrdistan.

Rydym hefyd yn galw ar Lywodraeth Prydain a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd i gondemnio'r ymosodiad Twrcaidd Gogledd Syria a'i ymosodiad ar Bobl Cwrdaidd Gogledd Syria - Gorllewin Cwrdistan.

Mae'r bobl Cwrdaidd wedi gwahaniaethu eu hunain o flaen y... byd fel y rhai gorau yn erbyn y ffwndamentaliaeth Islamaidd a patriarchaeth y Wladwriaeth Islamaidd (ISIL).

Mae'r pobl Cwrdaidd wedi marw gan ymladd y Wladwriaeth Islamaidd i gynnal gwerthoedd dyneiddiol seciwlar cyffredinol.

Maent bellach yn cael eu bradychu ac aberthu gan Washington a Moscow ar allor gwleidyddiaeth geo imperialaeth. Mae Washington a Moscow yn dawnsio gyda'r Erdogan unbenaethol.

Rydym yn galw ar Lywodraeth Prydain a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd i godi'r gwaharddiad terfysgaeth ar gynrychiolwyr y Bobl Cwrdeg y PKK y Plaid Gweithwyr Cwrdeg ac i gydnabod y dyheadau cenedlaethol dilys y Bobl Cwrdeg ar gyfer hunan benderfyniad.

Mae'r Aflonyddwch Mawr yn talu teyrnged i gamp y cyfeillgarwch hanesyddol rhwng pobloedd Cwrdeg Cymraeg ac rydym yn apelio at Lywodraeth Prydain a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd i atal yr ymosodiadau mileinig Twrcaidd ar y bobl Cwrdaidd.

Beth bynnag bu weithredoedd y Llywodraeth Prydain a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd mae bond cadarn o gyfeillgarwch rhwng Cwrdeg a'r Cymraeg.

Mae Cymru yn talu teyrnged i'r bobl Cwrdaidd arwrol. Dyma frwydr Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr ar gyfer annibyniaeth a sosialaeth sydd wedi cael ei ysbrydoli gan Straen y Bobl Cwrdeg.

SEE ALSO: http://greatunrest2012.blogspot.co.uk/2016/09/solidarity-with-kurdish-struggle-from.html

Wednesday 7 September 2016

Saunders Lewis : Etifeddiaeth llygredig - Also English version Saunders Lewis Tainted Legacy by David Rendle

Saunders Lewis : Etifeddiaeth llygredig y bardd, nofelydd, dramodydd, beirniad, gwleidydd ac un o sylfaenwyr Plaid [Genedlaethol] Cymru, mae Saunders Lewis yn cael ei ystyried yn un o'r eiconau llenyddol a gwleidyddol amlycaf Cymru, ac yn cael ei ystyried gan rai yn arwr genedlaethol. Cafodd John Saunders Lewis ei eni i deulu a oedd yn siarad Cymraeg yn Wallasey, Swydd Gaer yn 1893, a magwyd ymhlith y gymuned Gymreig yng Nglannau Merswy.

Astudiodd Lewis Saesneg a Ffrangeg ym Mhrifysgol Lerpwl tan y Rhyfel Byd Cyntaf, ac wedi hynny bu'n gwasanaethu yn y 'South Wales Borderers'. Ar ôl diwedd y rhyfel, dychwelodd Lewis i brifysgol a graddiodd yn Saesneg .

Yn 1922 ymunodd Lewis Prifysgol Abertawe, Cymru fel darlithydd yn y Gymraeg. Roedd cenedlaetholdeb Lewis wedi dwysáu gan ei brofiadau yn ystod y rhyfel, ac yn ymladd gyda milwyr Gwyddelig yn benodol oedd ymddangos i lunio ei syniadau am bwysigrwydd adnabod .

Yng Nghymru, 1925, ymunodd cenedlaetholwyr eraill mewn cyfarfod 1925 Eisteddfod Genedlaethol gyda'r nod o sefydlu plaid genedlaethol ar gyfer Cymru. Roedd Plaid [Genedlaethol] Cymru wedi cael ei sefydlu, o'r rhain oedd Lewis Llywydd 1926-1939. Yn 1936 mewn protest i ysgol, cafodd fomio ei sefydlu ym Mhenyberth ar Benrhyn Llŷn, Lewis ynghyd â Parch Lewis Edward Valentine, gweinidog Eglwys y Bedyddwyr Llandudno Cymraeg a David John Williams, uwch ysgolfeistr yn ysgol Sir Abergwaun yn setio protest i danio strwythur ar sylfaen y Llu Awyr ym Mhwllheli, Sir Gaernarfon, Cymru. Roeddent yn teimlo y sylfaen RAF a adeiladwyd yn ddiweddar "yn anfoesol o'r siwr a yn naturio hawliau pobl Cymru", Roedd Lewis yn dweud bod "y llywodraeth y DU yn benderfynol ar droi un o'r 'tai hanfodol o ddiwylliant Cymru, idiom, a llenyddiaeth' mewn lle i hyrwyddo dull barbaraidd o ryfela ".

Ar ôl gosod y tân, hysbysodd y triawd yr heddlu beth yr oeddent wedi'i wneud ac yn troi eu hunain mewn ac hawlio cyfrifoldeb am y weithred o danio. Cafodd Lewis ei ddiswyddo o'i swydd ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe yn dilyn y trosedd. Roedd Penyberth wedi carcharu'r tri am naw mis yn Wormwood Scrubs ar gyfer y weithred, digwyddiad a oedd ôl-effeithiau pwysig yn y cyfnod yn arwain at yr Ail Ryfel Byd ac ennyn adwaith yn erbyn Cymru a'r Cymry yn Lloegr.

Fodd bynnag, ar ôl cael ei ryddhau o'r carchar yn cael y dynion roeddent yn cael eu groesawu fel arwr gan 15,000 o bobl yn Caernarfon. Roedden nhw wedi ennill calonnau pobl Cymru pan oeddent yn gwrthwynebu adeiladu ysgol fomio yng Nghymru. Roedd sympathi ar gyfer yr achos hwn yn dibynnu ar deimladau gyfer y achos genedlaetholwr. Fodd bynnag, roedd yr hyn sy'n drawiadol yw bod diffyg y llywodraeth o barodrwydd i ymgysylltu a cyfaddawd gyda'r protestwyr yn arwain at ychydig o bobl yn cymryd ffurf eithafol o weithredu.

Efallai na fydd wedi gweithio cyn belled â Benrhyn Llŷn yn y cwestiwn, ond mae'n fwy na thebyg wedi helpu ysgogi teimlad cenedlaetholgar yng Nghymru am flynyddoedd lawer i ddod. Ar ôl cael ei ryddhau o'r carchar yn hydref 1937, symudodd Lewis i Lanfarian ar gyrion Aberystwyth, a threuliodd y pymtheng mlynedd nesaf ennill bywoliaeth ansicr rhwng addysgu, ffermio a newyddiaduraeth. Ym 1939 ymddiswyddodd o lywyddiaeth y Blaid Genedlaethol. Gwelodd yn 1941 i gyhoeddi'r gyfrol denau o farddoniaeth, Byd a Betws, lle roedd y gerdd agoriadol, 'Y Dilyw 1939' ( 'The Deluge 1939'), yn cyfeirio at lowyr di-waith y de diwydiannol fel 'y demos dimai' ( ' y demos dimai ') ac i Wall Street arianwyr' [a] 'u ffroenau Hebreig in ystadegau'r cwarter' ( 'gyda'u ffroenau Hebraeg yn ystadegau'r chwarter').

Fe'i dyfynnwyd dro ar ôl tro o hynny ymlaen gan feirniaid adain-chwith yn ymosod ei snobyddiaeth a'i gwrth-semitiaeth. Mae ei golofn 'Cwrs y Byd' ( 'The Cwrs y Byd') yn Y Faner yn fwy sylweddol. Rhwng 1939 a 1951 cyfrannodd fwy na 560 o erthyglau wythnosol ar fywyd yng Nghymru, Ewrop a'r byd gan ei fod yn wynebu natur anochel rhyfel, y gwrthdaro ei hun, a'r byd newydd a ddaeth i'r amlwg o'r heddwch dilynol. Mae'r colofnau yn dangos Lewis ar ei orau a'i waethaf.

Proffwydo gofid a argyhoeddedig na fyddai unrhyw da yn dod o fuddugoliaeth ar gyfer y naill ochr, dywedodd y dylai Cymru aros uwchben y frwydr. Roedd ei golofn wedi ei hatal fwy nag unwaith ac yn aml yn torri gan pensil glas y sensro yn. Lewis, a oedd yn ystod y Rhyfel Byd Cyntaf gwasanaethodd fel swyddog gyda'r South Wales Borderers, daeth hanner-halo rhaid canslo gan un corn gythreulig. Cefnogaeth Lewis i'r unbenaethau yn gyntaf gan Salazar Portiwgal ac yna daeth yn Sbaen Franco yn destun pryder i'r aelodau Plaid a dylanwadu pleleiswyr.

Yn bosib gan ei cofleidio o Babyddiaeth - yn ei cyn Fatican 2 darllen y stori Crist mae'n deg i ddweud y gwnaeth yr Iddewon a nid yw yn ymddangos ag unrhyw glod mawr - ac yn sicr mae'n cael ei ddylanwadu gan Maurice Barres, mae'r farchnad-arweinydd yn yr hyn wedi cael ei alw'n 'y don gyntaf o Ffasgaeth Ffrangeg' ac yn offeiriad uchel o Ffrangeg gwrth-semitiaeth (ohonynt unwaith ysgrifennodd Lewis, gan gydnabod ei ddyled , fod 'yr oedd drwy wrtho fy mod yn darganfod Cymru'), roedd Lewis yn sicr yn wleidyddol ac yn llenyddol gwrth-semite. oedd ei safle yn ystod yr Ail Ryfel Byd hefyd yn ddadleuol gan y teimlai y dylai Cymru gymryd safbwynt hollol niwtral ac yn cefnogi'r ymgyrch dros y Gymraeg i fod yn wrthwynebwyr cydwybodol.

Dadleuodd gyda ochr chwith y mudiad cenedlaethol Cymreig a chafodd ei gweld gan rai fel un dull elitaidd. Efallai ei ddatganiad mwyaf dadleuol, fodd bynnag, oedd pan ymddangosodd i ddangos edmygedd am Adolf Hitler - mor ddiweddar â 1936, y flwyddyn yr ymosodiad llosgi bwriadol, pan ysgrifennodd: "Ar hyn ar ôl iddo gyflawni ei addewid - addewid a gafodd ei mocio'n llawer gan y papurau misoedd Llundain cyn hynny -. i ddiddymu'n llwyr y cryfder ariannol yr Iddewon ym mywyd economaidd yr Almaen "Er ei fod yn cael ei ystyried yn un o'r ffigyrau gwleidyddol Cymreig blaenllaw yr Ugeinfed Ganrif, dylai Lewis cael enw da yn awr yn cael ei gynnal am byth i mewn i gwestiwn tebyg o T. Eliot ac Ezra Pound y mae eu gwaith yn dal i amharu ar yr un staen sy'n aros dros Saunders Lewis.

Byddai'n adfeiliedig os byddaf yn gwyngalchu y mater dyrys o stori Lewis. Roedd Saunders Lewis yn, unigolyn cymhleth arteithio, bardd a dramodydd, a ddisgrifiwyd gan Gwyn A Williams fel "geidwadol ddwfn, yn frenhinwr, yn gredwr mewn arweinyddiaeth". Dano, a elwir Plaid am "cenedl o 'cyfalafwyr bach', cydweithredu, y dad-ddiwydiannu De Cymru ac adfer amaethyddiaeth wrth i'r diwydiant sylfaenol". o'r enw Lewis hefyd ar gyfer y Dechrau o Saesneg fel iaith genedlaethol: "Rhaid iddo gael ei ddileu oddi ar y tir a elwir Cymru".

Bu'n llywydd Plaid am 13 mlynedd a daeth ei wyneb cyhoeddus. Yn ystod yr Ail Ryfel Byd symudodd y blaid tua'r dde, ac mae ei goddefgarwch o wrth-Semitiaeth a gwrthod i wrthwynebu Hitler, Mussolini neu Franco yn dieithrio llawer sy'n credu eu bod wedi ymuno â, hyd yn oed adain chwith, plaid genedlaethol rhyddfrydol.

Erbyn diwedd yr Ail Ryfel Byd cafodd Lewis ei ddadrithio gan y duedd 'sosialydd cymunedol' a heddychwr Plaid Cymru (fel y'i gelwid erbyn hynny), gan ei diffyg pwyslais ar yr iaith, ac yn ddiweddarach gan yr hyn y mae'n ei ystyried yn y safiad hanner-galonnog o'i llywydd heddychwr rhyddfrydol, Gwynfor Evans, ar gynlluniau gan Gorfforaeth Lerpwl i foddi pentref Cwm Celyn er mwyn creu cronfa ddŵr Tryweryn. https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/cofiwch-dryweryn-remember-tryweryn.html

Dros y 15 mlynedd nesaf symudodd y blaid o fod yn fudiad cenedlaetholgar adain dde i fod yn blaid o blaid masnach undebau a diwygio cymdeithasol. Teimlai'r Cenedlaetholwr ei ddwysáu yn y 1950au hwyr a'r 1960au gyda achos Cwm Tryweryn, lle, er gwaethaf protestiadau Cymreig ledled y wlad, pentref Capel Celyn ei foddi i adeiladu cronfa ddŵr i Lerpwl.

Cyfran Plaid Cymru o'r bleidlais aeth i fyny o 0.7 y cant yn 1951 i 3.1 y cant yn 1955 a 5.2 y cant yn 1959. Mae'n debyg y bydd Lewis yn heddiw cofir am ei etifeddiaeth lenyddol. Ei ddrama gyntaf, "Blodeuwedd" ( "Y wraig o flodau") agorwyd yn 1923. Mae ei ddrama "Buchedd Garmon" ( "Mae bywyd Germanus") yn darlledu ar y BBC yn 1937. Yn ddiweddarach yn chwarae fel "Siwan" (1956) , byddai "Brad" ( "Brad") (1958) a "Esther" (1960) yn sefydlu ei enw da fel bardd ac athronydd. Ysgrifennodd Lewis ddwy nofel, "Monica" yn 1930 a "Merch Gwern Hywel" ( "The merch Gwern Hywel") yn 1964. Mae'r gweithiau ynghyd â llawer o bobl eraill a addurnodd ef enwebiad ar gyfer Gwobr Nobel 1970 ar gyfer Llenyddiaeth.

Dychwelodd i ddarlithio yn 1952 yng Nghaerdydd ac arhosodd yno hyd ei ymddeoliad bum mlynedd yn ddiweddarach. Ym 1962 rhoddodd Lewis ddarlith ar enw radio BBC Tynged yr Iaith (The Tynged yr Iaith). Yn yr araith hon a ragwelir Lewis diflaniad yr iaith Gymraeg a datgan y byddai'r iaith yn marw oni bai bod dulliau chwyldroadol yn cael eu defnyddio i'w hamddiffyn. Roedd yn herfeiddiol canlyniad cry.

A ralio glir o'r ddarlith arwain at sylfaen y Gymraeg Iaith Cymdeithas / Cymdeithas Y Iaith - mudiad protest sydd wedyn yn gorfodi mabwysiadu dilysrwydd cyfreithiol cyfartal i'r iaith Gymraeg ym maes cyfathrebu swyddogol ac arwyddion ffyrdd - ac yn eu gorfodi Llywodraeth yn arwain at sefydlu S4C U-dro - Sianel Pedwar Cymru a gweld adfywiad yn y defnydd o Gymraeg llafar.

Dyma linc i drawsgrifiad llawn o ddarlith hanesyddol hwn; -https://morris.cymru/testun/saunders-lewis-fate-of-the-language.html Byddai'n cael effaith, ac aeth y mudiad iaith trwy symudiad pwysig, peidio â bod yn unig yn bryder ceidwadol a dechrau tynnu mewn llawer o fyfyrwyr a phobl ifanc.

Mae'r camau gweithredu yn canolbwyntio ar ymgyrchu ar gyfer defnyddio'r Gymraeg mewn dogfennau swyddogol, yn y cyfryngau ac ar arwyddion ffyrdd. Mae nifer o aelodau o Gymdeithas yn cymryd rhan mewn ymgyrch uchel-gwelededd o weithredu uniongyrchol yn 1969, lle mae arwyddion ffyrdd Saesneg yn cael eu fandaleiddio a'u paentio allan.

Gwelodd y cyfnod hwn nifer o streiciau newyn, dedfrydau carchar a galwedigaethau o stiwdios teledu. Mae'r ymgyrch yn erbyn Arwisgo Tywysog Cymru yng Nghaernarfon, hefyd yn 1969, gwelodd ymgyrch fomio ar wahân, lle mae dau ddyn ifanc wedi marw ar ôl bomiau aeth i ffwrdd lleferydd prematurely.

This hefyd wneud yn eironig yr hen ddyn i mewn i eilun ar gyfer cenhedlaeth newydd magu ar y delfrydau o'r symudiadau hawliau sifil yn y deheuol Unol Daleithiau a De Affrica. Mae'r arch-geidwadol wedi dod yn symbol o chwyldro.

Bu farw Saunders Lewis ar 1 Medi 1985 yn yn oed o 91.Yes safodd i fyny ar gyfer yr iaith Gymraeg, ond er gwaethaf ymdrechion i glanweithio ei stori gan aelodau o'r sefydliad Cymreig, byddai'n anghywir i brwsh aer y sawr hyll ffasgaeth sy'n aros ynghlwm wrth ef today.

We Ni ddylai anghofio naill ai ffaith, ymosodwyd arno yng Nghymru yn ystod y tridegau yn erthygl ar ôl erthygl yn yr iaith Gymraeg gan bobl y rhai a dynnodd sylw at ei gefnogaeth i'r achos Ffasgaidd yn Ewrop. Mae hyn yn ddyn sy'n llygru mywyd cyhoeddus Cymru am genedlaethau oherwydd ei bwyntiau unpalpable o farn, ac oherwydd hyn mae ei waith, bydd bob amser yn aros contentious.

Lewis parhau i fod yn ffigwr dadleuol, ac i ba raddau y mae'n coleddu agweddau gwrth-Semitaidd a mae cydymdeimlad ffasgwyr Ewropeaidd yn parhau i fod yn destun trafodaeth ddwys.

Saunders Lewis - A tainted legacy

Poet, novelist, dramatist, critic, politician and one of the founders of Plaid [Genedlaethol] Cymru, Saunders Lewis is considered one of Wales' leading literary and political icons, and is considered by some a nationalist hero.

He was born John Saunders Lewis, into a Welsh-speaking family in Wallasey, Chesire in 1893, and grew up among the Welsh community in Merseyside. Lewis studied English and French at Liverpool University until the breakout of World War One, after which he served in the South Wales Borderers.

After the end of the war Lewis returned to university and graduated in English.In 1922 Lewis joined the University of Wales, Swansea as a lecturer in Welsh.

Lewis' nationalism was heightened by his wartime experiences, and fighting with Irish soldiers in particular seemed to shape his ideas on the importance of Welsh identity.In 1925 he joined other nationalists at a 1925 National Eisteddfod meeting with an aim to establishing a national party for Wales. Plaid [Genedlaethol] Cymru was established, of which Lewis was President from 1926 to 1939. In 1936 in protest to a bombing school being established at Penyberth on the Llŷn Peninsula,

Lewis along with along with Rev. Lewis Edward Valentine, pastor of the Llandudno Welsh Baptist Church and David John Williams, senior schoolmaster at Fishguard County School had in protest set fire to a structure on a RAF base at Pwllheli, Caernarfonshire, Wales. They felt the recently built RAF base "was an immoral violation of the sure and natural rights of the Welsh people", Lewis saying that “the UK government was intent upon turning one of the ‘essential homes of Welsh culture, idiom, and literature’ into a place for promoting a barbaric method of warfare”.

After setting the blaze, the trio informed the police what they had done and turned themselves in and claimed responsibility for the act of arson.Lewis was dismissed from his post at Swansea University following the crime.

The Penyberth Three were jailed for nine months at Wormwood Scrubs for the act, an event which had major repercussions in the run-up to the Second World War and provoked a backlash against Wales and the Welsh in England.

However after being released from prison the men were given a hero's welcome by 15,000 people in Caernarfon.They had won the hearts of the Welsh people when they opposed the building of a bombing school in Wales .

Sympathy for this case will depend upon feelings for the nationalist cause.

However, what is striking is that the government’s lack of willingness to engage and compromise with the protestors led to a few people taking an extreme form of action.

It may not have worked as far as the Llyn Peninsula was concerned but it probably helped galvanise nationalist feeling in Wales for many years to come.

After being released from prison in autumn 1937, Lewis moved to Llanfarian on the outskirts of Aberystwyth, and spent the following fifteen years earning an uncertain living between teaching, farming and journalism.

In 1939 he resigned from the presidency of the National Party. 1941 saw the publication of the slim volume of poetry, Byd a Betws, in which the opening poem, ‘Y Dilyw 1939’ (‘The Deluge 1939’), refers to unemployed miners of the industrial south as ‘y demos dimai’ (‘the halfpenny demos’) and to Wall Street financiers ‘[a]'u ffroenau Hebreig yn ystadegau'r chwarter’ (‘with their Hebrew nostrils in the quarter's statistics’). It was repeatedly quoted from then on by left-wing critics attacking his snobbery and his anti-semitism. His column ‘Cwrs y Byd’ (‘The Course of the World’) in Y Faner was more substantial.

Between 1939 and 1951 he contributed more than 560 weekly articles on life in Wales, Europe and the world as it faced the inevitability of war, the conflict itself, and the new world which emerged from the subsequent peace. These columns show Lewis at his best and his worst.

Prophesying doom and convinced that no good would come of victory for either side, he said that Wales should remain above the fray.

His column was withheld more than once and often cut by the censor's blue pencil. Lewis, who during the First World War served as an officer with the South Wales Borderers, half-halo came to be cancelled out by one diabolical horn.

Lewis’s support for the dictatorships inaugurated first by Portugal’s Salazar and then Spain’s Franco became a subject of concern to Plaid members and voters.

Possibly influenced by his embrace of Catholicism – in whose pre Vatican 2 reading of the Christ story it’s fair to say the Jews did not emerge with any great credit – and certainly influenced by Maurice Barres, the market-leader in what has been called ‘the first wave of French Fascism’ and a high priest of French anti-semitism (of whom Lewis once wrote, acknowledging his debt, that ‘it was through him that I discovered Wales’), Lewis was certainly a political and literary anti-semite.

His position during the Second World War was also controversial as he felt that Wales should take a completely neutral position and supported the campaign for the Welsh to become conscientious objectors.

He argued with the left of the Welsh nationalist movement and was seen by some as having an elitist approach. Perhaps his most controversial statement, though, was when he appeared to show admiration for Adolf Hitler – as late as 1936, the year of the arson attack, when he wrote: “At once he fulfilled his promise — a promise which was greatly mocked by the London papers months before that — to completely abolish the financial strength of the Jews in the economic life of Germany.”

Though he is considered one of the leading Welsh political figures of the Twentieth Century, Lewis reputation should now be forever held into question like his contempraries T.Eliot and Ezra Pound whose work is still marred by the same stain that lingers over Saunder Lewis.

It would be a dereliction if I whitewashed this thorny issue from Lewis's story.

Saunders Lewis was a complex, tortured individual, a poet and dramatist, described by Gwyn A Williams as “deeply conservative, a monarchist, a believer in leadership by a responsible elite”.

Under him, Plaid called for “a nation of ‘small capitalists’, cooperation, the deindustrialisation of South Wales and the restoration of agriculture as the basic industry”. Lewis also called for the annihilation of English as a national language: “It must be deleted from the land called Wales”.

He served as president of Plaid for 13 years and became its public face. During the Second World War the party moved rightwards, and its toleration of anti-Semitism and refusal to oppose Hitler, Mussolini or Franco alienated many who believed they had joined a liberal, even left wing, nationalist party.

By the end of the Second World War Lewis was disillusioned by the ‘communal socialist’ and pacifist tendency of Plaid Cymru (as it was called by then), by its lack of emphasis on the language, and later by what he regarded as the half-hearted stance of its liberal pacifist president, Gwynfor Evans, on plans by Liverpool Corporation to drown the village of Cwm Celyn in order to create the Tryweryn reservoir. https://teifidancer-teifidancer.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/cofiwch-dryweryn-remember-tryweryn.html

Over the next 15 years the party moved from being a right wing nationalist movement to being a party in favour of trade unions and social reform. Nationalist sentiment was heightened in the late 1950s and 1960s with the case of the Tryweryn Valley, where, despite nationwide Welsh protests, the village of Capel Celyn was flooded to build a reservoir for Liverpool. Plaid’s share of the vote went up from 0.7 percent in 1951 to 3.1 percent in 1955 and 5.2 percent in 1959.

Lewis will probably be best today remembered for his literary legacy. His first play, "Blodeuwedd" ("The woman of flowers") opened in 1923. His play "Buchedd Garmon" ("The life of Germanus") was broadcast on the BBC in 1937. Later plays like "Siwan" (1956), "Brad" ("Treachery") (1958) and "Esther "(1960) would establish his reputation as a poet and a philosopher.

Lewis wrote two novels, "Monica" in 1930 and "Merch Gwern Hywel" ("The daughter of Gwern Hywel") in 1964. These works along with many others garnished him a nomination for the 1970 Nobel Prize for Literature.

He returned to lecturing in 1952 at Cardiff and remained there until his retirement five years later. In 1962 Lewis gave a lecture on BBC radio entitled Tynged Yr Iaith (The Fate of the Language). In this speech Lewis predicted the extinction of the Welsh language and declared that the language would die unless revolutionary methods were used to defend it. It was a clear defiant rallying cry

.A result of the lecture led to the foundation of the Welsh Language Society/ Cymdeithas Y Iaith – a protest organisation which subsequently forced the adoption of equal legal validity for the Welsh-language in official communications and road signs – and forced a Government U-turn leading to the establishment of S4C – the Welsh Fourth Channel and saw a revival in the use of spoken Welsh. Here is a link to full transcript of this historical lecture;- https://morris.cymru/testun/saunders-lewis-fate-of-the-language.html

It would have an impact, and the language movement went through an important shift, ceasing to be just a conservative concern and beginning to draw in many students and young people.

The action focused on campaigning for the use of Welsh in official documents, in the media and on road signs. Many members of Cymdeithas were involved in a high-visibility campaign of direct action in 1969, in which English road signs were vandalised and painted out.

This period saw numerous hunger strikes, prison sentences and occupations of TV studios. The campaign against the Investiture of the Prince of Wales at Caernarfon, also in 1969, saw a separate bombing campaign, in which two young men died after bombs went off prematurely.

This speech also ironically made the old man into an idol for a new generation bred on the ideals of the civil rights movements in the southern United States and South Africa. The arch-conservative had become a symbol of revolution. Saunders Lewis died on September 1st 1985 at the age of 91.

Yes he stood up for the Welsh language but despite efforts to sanitise his story by members of the Welsh establishment, it would be wrong to airbrush the ugly whiff of fascism that stays attached to him today.

We should not forget either the fact, he was attacked in Wales during the Thirties in article after article in the Welsh language by those people who drew attention to his support for the Fascist cause in Europe.

This is a man who polluted the public life of Wales for generations because of his unpalpable points of view, and because of this his work will always remain contentious.

Lewis remains a controversial figure, and the extent to which he harboured anti-Semitic attitudes and a sympathy for European fascists remains a subject of intense debate






    The BNG Reiterates its Opposition the EU, Calling for a Social and Truly Democratic Europe of the Peoples

    Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr salutes position of BNG in Galizia opposition to EU it being similar to CUP in Catalonia and our Irish Comrades in Eirigi

    Following the results of the BREXIT referendum held in the UK on 23 June, the National
    Executive of the BNG released a detailed statement stating that the results
    reopen the debate on the way the EU functions and essentially stemmed from a
    profound democratic criticism of EU policy which has effectively destroyed social
    cohesion, favouring the interests of financial capital and large corporations with the
    EU working in the dark and in a highly undemocratic way.

    The BNG recalled that it has always maintained a critical stance regarding the economic
    and social model defended by the European Union, from its opposition to
    Spanish membership of the European Economic Community and the Maastricht
    Treaty to supporting a No vote in the referendum on the European Constitution

    which was also defeated in the referendum in France, another State central to the
    European Union.

    The thread running through European construction is the fact that it serves the economic
    interests of big corporations and oligopolies with negative results for the majority
    of society.

    It has had dire consequences for Galiza, ranging from the dismantling
    of our key productive sectors and the loss of jobs to making it impossible for
    us to take full advantage of our economic potential, effectively stunting any kind of
    economic development geared to the real needs and possibilities of the country.

    As an alternative to the EU which has been clearly damaging for Galiza, preventing
    us from achieving improved levels of development and welfare, the BNG has always
    supported a Europa based on the democratic will of the nations and peoples which
    comprise it: a social and truly democratic Europe. And we believe that this position
    is gaining ground today and is more relevant than ever.

    Regardless of the reasons behind individual votes, the Executive of the BNG believe
    that the BREXIT result will reopen a vital debate on several key issues today, such as
    the desire for national sovereignty and the response to political and humanitarian
    crises, e.g. refugees.

    See Also


    Monday 5 September 2016

    Solidarity with Kurdish Struggle from Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr/The Great Unrest

    Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr calls on the British Government and the European Union to call for Turkey to halt its use of fighter planes and the bombing  the Kurdish people in South Eastern Turkey - Northern Kurdistan.

    We also call on The British Government and European Union to condemn the Turkish invasion of Northern Syria and its attack on Kurdish People of Northern Syria - West Kurdistan.

    We also demand the Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan being produced by Turkish government to confirm that he is safe and well.

    The Kurdish people have distinguished themselves before the world as the best fighters against the Islamic fundamentalism and  patriarchy of the Islamic State (ISIL)

    Kurdish people have done the fighting and the dying  fighting the Islamic State to uphold universal secular humanistic values.

    They are now being betrayed and sacrificed by Washington and Moscow on the altar of geo politics of imperialism.

    Washington and Moscow  are dancing with the despot Erdogan.

    We call on the British Government and European Union to lift the terrorism ban on the representatives  of the Kurdish People the PKK the Kurdish Workers Party and to recognise the legitimate national aspirations of the Kurdish People for self determination.

    The Aflonyddwch Mawr salutes the historic friendship between Welsh and Kurdish peoples while we appeal to the British Government and European Union to stop the Turkish murderous attacks on the Kurdish people.

    Whatever the actions of the British Government and the European Union there is an unbreakable bond of friendship between Kurdish and Welsh People.

    Wales salutes the heroic Kurdish people.

    Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr's struggle for Welsh independence and socialism is inspired by the Kurdish People's Struggle.

    Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr will be handing out his statement to the people of Carmarthen on the 17th September at 12.00 pm and the People of  Merthyr at 12.00 pm on the 24th September and Wrexham at 12.00pm on the 1st October 2016.